Interview with xevisberi Pilipe Baghiauri.
Paata
Bukhrashvili, Romanoz Dolidze, Kevin Tuite
Pilipe Baghiauri is the tav-xevisberi (chief priest) of the commune of Gogolaurta, whose
principal shrine is located atop Kmodis Gori, in the northeast Georgian
province of Pshavi. He is one of the handful of traditional ritual specialists
in the highland districts of Pshavi and Khevsureti who continue to perform the
prayers and ceremonies of the syncretic religious system sometimes
characterized as Georgian paganism (for descriptions of this system, see Bardavelidze
1957, 1974; Charachidz 1968; Kiknadze 1996; Tuite & Bukhrashvili 1999;
Tuite 1996, 2004). The conversations translated here took place on 24-25 June 2000.
The first occurred at the interviewers campsite on the bank of the Matur-Xevi
river, close to its intersection with the Aragvi, not far from Gogolaurta. The
second took place the following day atop Lasharis Gori, close to the powerful
shrine of Lasharis-Jvari. The interview was conducted (in Georgian) by Paata
Bukhrashvili (PB), Romanoz Dolidze (RD), and Kevin Tuite (KT); Tuite translated
the text into English and added the explanatory notes. The original recording
is in the archives of the International Caucasological Research Institute (Kavkasiologiis
saerta shoriso sametsniero-kvleviti sazogadoebrivi instituti), an independent, non-profit organization
headquartered in Tbilisi.
Further information, and publications by the members of the institute are
available at the web sites <http://www.caucasology.com> and
<http://www.philologie.com>.The authors wish to express their thanks to
the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, for its
continued support of their research on religious festivals in post-Soviet
Georgia.
I. The vocation of the xevisberi.
Pilipe Baghiauri describes
how he became aware of his vocation to succeed his father as xevisberi:
I was a bit arrogant in those
days, and gave no thought to [the possibility that] I would become xevisberi. I
paid no attention to such things. [The xevisberi] was my father then, and when I went to the
shrine (xati),[1]
it was to party, and I gave it no thought. I disliked the xevisberis duties.
It is a special matter, you are always busy — and then, fifteen years
earlier, no add ten years to that, twenty-five years ago, a man called me, he
was priest along with my father, his assistant, and [he said]: I saw this
dream, and, son, be careful of
yourself. I laughed. Then there were oracles (kadagebi)[2] among
us, and they informed us [of
this]. [I said]: What are you saying? How could I do this [i.e. serve as
priest]? Then, I became frightened, I would become startled, I was falling out
of bed. Ask my mother how many times she grabbed on to me. I was seeing
apparitions. I said: I must not go
insane. Now, in 1989, one of my children died, and before a year went by, I had
not yet held the anniversary banquet (clistavi),[3] my wife
followed [in death]. I was troubled. People knew what happened and they would
say to me: You made this child die, you will destroy your family.[4]
I went to a fortune-teller, what we call a reader [mkitxavi].
KT: Was the reader a woman or
a man?
She was a woman, she lived in
Tianeti.[5]
She said to me: Why dont you go up? Offer yourself to it [the xati] (tavi
daude); or else worse things will happen to
you. She told me directly, like that, she did not light a candle, or anything.
[She said] I know what you are embarking upon. She did not know me
personally. Well, so it was, I offered myself to this matter, I anointed my
hands and shoulder (xel-mxari vinatle), and now I only lack the ninth bull-sacrifice (mozveri).[6] So, it was
with so much distress, well, my family they blamed me, as though you
destroyed the family. In short, I suffered enormously, I suffered. Now it has
stopped. But now, if I get mixed up, or if I do not observe the rules, the
norms, (cesi, rigi), do what
tradition demands, or if I slip up in an invocation (moxseneba), then I see a dream, it is either my father, or
some man in white, who appears to me on such occasions.
PB: What do you mean by slip
up in an invocation?
Well now, this word, it must come
to you. It has nothing to do with learning by memorization, even though so many
things are written in books, as much as you want. You must get to it [the right
words] during the invocation, somehow. Well, let us say, there are many kinds
of sacrifices brought up to the mountain: gasamqvano (for the initiation of boys),[7]
same shvlo (to ask for special aid), there are a thousand
different kinds. Each has its own invocation, and the main invocation, when the
candle is held up to the sacrifice, this is special You cannot mix it up, you
really must arrive at it, like a memorized poem, but in a different manner.
PB: In other words, the
invocation comes by itself?
It comes by itself. For example,
here is something that is real: Under no circumstances will a xevisberi pass
something on to you by communicating that such a thing is somewhere, that a cup
is hidden away somewhere.[8] There is
something about shrines, such that you yourself must see [the object], that
[the xati] will bring you in contact with it (migabidzgos). In
reality, may God be my witness, my father was xevisberi, but I had no idea that
this office would be handed on to me in such a fashion. Many things happen this
way however I may not talk about certain things.
PB: Does everything therefore
depend on intuitions? That is, does some kind of spiritual eye awaken in you
at the wish of the xati?
RD: At Ukan-Xadu a
newly-appointed xevisberi was unable to speak. Do you remember, how [the words]
did not come to him, and he could not speak.[9]
PB: Petre [Gogochuri] was
saying to him: Begin, begin, but the words didnt come to him.
Even if you are a new xevisberi,
it [the xati] will teach you the prayers, the chief invocation, whom to
commemorate when you light the candles. You will see something in a dream, you
will understand something by intellect (gonit). That is how this matter is, when you are careful for fear of the
xati, you are very careful out of concern for your children and grandchildren,
that you do not make a mistake.[10] It might be
because you fear it [the xati] that you see something through memory, through
intellect.
PB: This is the fear of God.
May He be blessed! I have seen
nothing, but many things have appeared to me But what I know I will pass on
to the next generation. What is, is, it exists in reality. We should not say,
It doesnt exist. Do not take anything, do not remove anything; they fight
mightily against that.[11] If you do
not want to, do not bring anything there [to the xati], and do not pray. This
what I know from experience.
II. Traditional beliefs and practices.
KT: If a person is struck by
lightning, or falls in the river, or drowns in the sea, is any special ritual
performed, such as the offering of a sacrifice, or the killing of a goat? For
instance, if lightning kills a man, what happens in that case?
In general, a sort of angel
pursues each person, one that has been driven out by God, a devil (e), what
we call an evil angel (avi angelozi). In general, it is best, when this one pursues somebody, to drive it
away from the persons soul with a goat, that is, you cut off a goats head and
you throw its head with a backward movement of the hand (xelukughma). No name is laid on this goat-kid [i.e. the
sacrifice is not dedicated to anyone], nor is its meat mixed with anything.[12]
KT: The meat cannot be eaten?
You can eat it as such (), but they call that on the account of the
fortieth (ormocis angari shze). You
have to drive it [the evil angel] away before the fortieth [day after death];
the persons soul goes to paradise on the fortieth day.[13]
Until then it wanders nearby and precisely for this reason you have to drive
this evil angel away from it. For this purpose a goat-kid (cikani) is necessary.
When a person is dying, he or she
has a guardian (qarauli). God forfend
— for example, when someone is dying, dont you stand guard [i.e. keep
them company], dont you remain at their side? But when there is no one —
either lightning strikes them, or they fall in the water, they fall off a
cliff, that is, they die alone, or as we say in Pshavi, they have died without
anyone (ukacod mamkvdar). In such a case it is necessary to slaughter a
goat-kid at the very place where it happened [where the victim died]. You
perform the deed [the sacrifice], you drive away the evil angel. They throw the
goat-kids head, and they perform the deed, they drive away this misfortune.
Over there, a man fell [to his death], there where the cross is by the xati.
It should be on this side of the river; it is not allowed close to the xati.
This is where the goat-kid was sacrificed. That is the kind of rules we have,
we mountaineers, Pshavs.
KT: When they kill the
goat-kid, do they leave it on the spot?
No, they throw the head there.
RD: Is it necessary to throw
the head in the river?
No, you swing it around in a
circle three times, and you throw it away.[14]
You say [addressing the demon]: You are separated from this affair, evil
angel, remain in your place. This is how we do it. I have performed this deed.
KT: Do you perform the ritual
for someone killed by lightning?
A single ritual is performed,
when a person dies without another person nearby, that is, without a guardian.
This deed liberates everything.
KT: Does one celebrate Eliaoba
[the feastday of the prophet Elijah], or is there a sanctuary to Elijah in
Pshavi?[15]
I heard that there is one in Khevsureti. There are quite a few in western
Georgia.
We observe Eliaoba here, we have
a special xati to him up high [on the mountain]. But there are no longer many
in Pshavi. We sacrifice a goat-kid at Eliaoba. Of course, you could also kill a
lamb, or sacrifice another animal as a petition (samxvecro), but the principal sacrifice which we would kill as
an offering to him is a goat-kid. It is for this reason, as has been passed
down by our tradition, that God sent Elijah and said to him: Take care of the
people. There is a great history about him. When he created lightning, fire
and everything; just for this reason we sacrifice to him: Keep the lightning
away [from us], that sort of thing
KT: Hail, for example, is that
also sent down by Elijah?
Elijah — is lightning, is
accompanied by lightning. He struck the clouds together, suddenly he created
lightning, and then people could not understand what this lightning was, and
they were dying. I know this from tradition (gadmocemit), but whether it is a fact, I do not know. This is
how we recall the story of lightning, and of hail too. There is an angel, an
angel sent from God.[16] In the
invocation we commemorate him: Glorious force, living Kvira — we
commemorate the shrine (xati),
then honorable Kvira, that is, Kvira was the first helper to whom people made
a resting place (daesvenebina,
i.e., constructed a shrine in his honor).[17]
The people were all working. Then God sent his son, Jesus [to find out] what
are the people lacking?, then this angel, Kvira — he sent this angel,
[saying] help the people. He came down on a Saturday at midday, this is our
tradition, as they recall, he [Kvira] set up a tent; that is why we say [in
invocations] O Kvira the tent-dweller (kvirao karaviano). He set up his tent at midday, called the people
and said that God has sent me, so, come here, — at midday he [God] sent
Kvira and said [to the people]: From here to here you are free, you will have
a day off from work (ukmi). He
gave the people one day each week.
PB: How does sworn brotherhood
(dzmadnapicoba) take place, what sort of ritual is there? What have you heard
with regard to this?
I have not only heard about it, I
myself have sworn brothers. Among us, in Pshavi, it happens like this: those
who love each other, respect each other, or who meet and like each other for
their manly virtues (vazhkacoba),
at that time they take a silver coin — it must be of silver,[18]
you should know — then they drop it into a drinking cup, then first one
of them stands up, says a blessing, then takes an oath of brotherhood: Your
mother is my mother, your father [is] my father. Sometimes the words are a bit
different, but they become like true children of the same parents (dedmami shvilebi). My
brother is your brother and so it goes. Now the cup is given to the second
person, he also says a blessing. The little finger of each person is cut. The
little finger (neka) is the
highest finger, it is only responsible for good things. The little finger is
cut, a drop of blood is dripped into the cup, three drops, little drops, and
this is accompanied with a prayer. They take it [the cup] and first one drinks
half, then the other. They embrace each other, kiss each other and they become
true brothers. From this time onward they are related like blood siblings. In
this way I am related to them
PB: What drink is used?
Vodka (araqi) or wine. It must be pure (supta). In Pshavi, for example, vodka is usual.
PB: If it takes place during a
shrine festival (xatoba), can it be done with beer?
With beer, or with wine, it is
not important; the main thing is that you swear as true brothers, and that you
be true [to your oath], that you observe this obligation as if it were your own
brother. It is often performed by those who do not have brothers and sisters;
they choose a friend, a comrade, someone who is close to them, who becomes
their brother.
PB: Can something similar
happen between a woman and a man?
Yes, it does, although much more
rarely. Usually this happens as I just said, between men.
KT: How about between people
of different ethnicity, for example, between Georgians and Chechens?
It has nothing to do with
nationality, it does not matter if one is English, or American, or whatever. It
could be with whomever you want, as long as it is genuine. But you must observe
[its conditions]. If someone doesnt understand and doesnt know, but if you do
know everything, you may take the oath and observe the rules, the rules that
exist between sisters and brothers, between brothers.
III. Admitting new members into the commune.
KT: Now I would like to know
how one accepted new people into the commune (temi), families coming from other
provinces or communes, who moved into your territory and requested asylum.
That was a somewhat complicated
affair. Earlier land was scarce, take Pshavi for example Here the people
worked tiny plots of land, many people came to us here. Here, where the
Cockolaurebi are, the Baghiaurebi have immigrated.[19]
It is still written somewhere, it is handed down in a book. Here is how it
happened: For instance, if someone caused disruption in the commune, or did not
get along, they would be driven out from there. This also happened in Pshavi.
Those who were driven out went to another commune. This is how it was among us
here, when they would come here. We Gogolaurebi, we had three people of that
kind This was not a matter decided only by the commune. The commune received
them, but took them to the xati; when they brought them to the xati, they
made them swear an oath, what we call a samani — they either planted a stone,[20]
or made some other kind of offering, on which their name was inscribed, and
then this was the custom: they set up three cups, they lit candles, and that
man brought an animal for sacrifice. The xevisberi took the three cups and
prayed: We, the clan (gvari),
the commune, accept this man. Should this person betray us, — he poured
out the cup — thus may it be for him. If he is a brother to us, if he
has our confidence, then may we acknowledge him to be a participant (monacile) in our xati, and to be the xatis vassal (xatis
qma). Then the commune granted him [and
his family], as a regular segment (ganaqari) of the clan, some small plots of land. This one
carved off a little, that one carved off a little [i.e. each resident gave a
bit of land to the new member], and they settled this man here. This was the
custom.
KT: Is marriage prohibited
between women and men of the same clan or commune?
It is not possible, that sort of
thing will never happen.[21] In earlier
times, they would gather at Lasharis-Jvari, and they expelled (mohkvetdnen) such people: they would not let them in their
homes, nor anywhere else. Or else they had means, such as the court of justice
(sasamartlo).
KT: Couldnt they split the
clan or commune?
The clan would split (iqreboda). For example, here in Gogolaurta, we have several
segmented clans (ganaqari gvarebi),
but now with different family names. For instance, there were once three
brothers named Kubrashvili, the black plague killed two of them — it
seems that they committed an offense before the xati or something of the sort.
A fortune-teller, reader or xevisberi — I dont know exactly —
said [to the surviving brother]: Leave this place! He settled over there. Now
the Kubrashvilebi are an entire village, where I live now, in Bulachauri. There
was once a man called Kubria, and the clan was named after him. Then the clan
was renamed, and they now have a new family name. Take Ilo, for example, he is
a Jabanashvili [descended from the Jabanashvili clan], but registered (with the
family name) Pxoveli, they changed his name.[22]
When a clan was divided, [they said]: go live separately. They would give
you your portion of everything, they settled you somewhere else.
KT: Is marriage possible
between different clans?
Of course. For example, I am a
vassal of the xati of Gogolaurta; this person is [the vassal] of Xoshara. If
my children have no relation [to them] that could be traced through female
ancestors (deida),[23]
it is permitted, with pleasure, let them marry and celebrate a wedding.
KT: Who lives in the
Gogolaurta commune now? Is there only that one village up there, by the shrine,
where you live?
In fact, the Gogolaurebi —
at the head of the road, where Davit Gelashvili [and his family] are, they are
true Gogolauris. On the other side where the Lomiashvilebi live, these have
moved in, they are Mamiaurebi, and are vassals of Ukana-Pshavi. That is where
they are from, from Ukana-Pshavi.[24]
RD: Those who live across from
Muko, do they belong to Gogolauri?
One of them is a Gogolauri, Pavle
Gelashvili. The Beridzes are likewise Gogolaurebi. But the territory belongs to
Muko, from across the ravine down to the river.
RD: How far does the territory
of Muko go in that direction, up toward Gogolaurta?
There nearby, where the village
is, it follows the ridge overlooking it.[25]
RD: As you go up to your
house, it goes about that far?
Where my house is, it passes
close by, there where there is a small hill, it cuts across it, its a very
small place.
KT: How many people are in
Muko commune now?
There is just the one family
Cockolaurebi that lives here. Also one of the children split off, Vaxtangi
[the xevisberi of Muko commune] no longer lives there. There are just two
families, the rest moved away.
IV. Pilipe lights a candle and makes an invocation.
PB (points to the candle): The
candle must be
A real one, of beeswax.[26]
PB: And not one from the
church? It has to be one of yours?
It must be made from beeswax. It
will not accept other kinds, our xati,
praised be its truth. There [i.e., in lowland Georgia], among the Orthodox
priests (samghvdeloeba i), you can light whatever you want. They have a
thousand different types of candles, some of them made from unclean ingredients
(bindzuri minarevebi), which
would not be permitted before the xati. I will not light them, you can light
them if you want, and make your petition, but such candles are improper. If you
were to buy one lump of beeswax (pi cha), it would be enough. When you go up to the xati,
you can make [candles] directly from the wax.[27]
PB: Does it have to be made by
my own hands?
It is best if it is by your own
hands. Whether or not you accept candles from there [the lowlands], according
to Christian laws, is the [Orthodox] priests affair. But among us, I am
telling you the truth, I know for sure, I saw a dream that the xatebi would
throw them [church candles] away, they wouldnt accept them.
[Invocation]
May he be well, may the great Angel of St. Giorgi of Matur-Xevi grant you
mercy, may the Creator of Damaste (damasturma gamchchenelma)[28]
multiply your young generation, may he always go before [you] and greet you and
your children with happiness here! Let this be my prayer, may the mercy of the
angels be [upon you]. Rejoice, multiply, be well and may your travels always be
good and safe. Beside this I will add: Victory (gaumarjos) to the sanctuaries that are in our [land of]
Georgia: those of Pshavi, of Khevsureti, of Mountain Tusheti. May the praise be
theirs, and may they be merciful to our Georgian nation. Let there be peace in
our Georgia, let there be happiness, let there be hope for our young people.
What power there is that comes from God, that is sent by the angels for the aid
of mortals (xorcielta), may it
help them and assist them. May we see a united Georgia, may we see peace, may
we have such a leader, that will bring matters to a peaceful resolution.[29]
This now is the second toast: to
you men and those like you in our little corner, our little Georgia. May such
people grow up clever, upright and good. May they promote [the cause of] peace.
May we lend each other a hand () in love, in mutual understanding. May
we raise such a future generation, so that they will love each other, and not
have a hostile outlook. Let there be peace, may God look down from above, the
angels and the martyrs. Victory to you, may you be well!
As xevisberi you must behave in
exemplary manner, and then you must give a push to (ubidzgo) the future generation: so that you, son, grandson,
may follow me in this way. This honor, these precepts (darigeba), this law (cesi) — if we are to become impure (ucmindurebi), how could we instruct others? We have this
obligation.
V. At Lasharis-Jvari. The
next day the xevisberi and the interviewers went upriver to the central Pshav
shrine of Lasharis-Jvari, accompanied by the writer Irakli Gogolauri and
several construction workers.[30]
The occasion was a very special one: Gogolauri had raised money and resources
for the restoration of several ruined buildings within the precincts of Lasharis-Jvari,
beginning with the rebuilding of the salude (beer-storage cabin), to be
followed by work on the ancient sadarbazo (meeting-place) where the chief
priests of the Pshav communes formerly met to discuss issues of importance to
the highland community. Before beginning work, Irakli Gogolauri and the men
who were to participate in the project brought a lamb to Baghiauri to be
sacrificed to the shrines patron divinity Lashara, to ask his blessing and
appease him should anyone unwittingly incur his displeasure while working in
the proximity of his sanctuary. Lashara, whose name derives from the
13th-century Georgian monarch Giorgi IV Lasha, the son of Queen Tamar, is the
most powerful among the divine overlords of the Pshav communes. An 18th-century
document mentions eleven communes, all of which were inhabited until recently,
but according to local tradition there were once twelve or even fifteen groups
of villages under the protection of Lashara. During the great mid-summer
festival of Seroba or Saghmurtoba, members of all the Pshav communes gathered
at Lasharis-Jvari on the Monday following Petre-Pavloba, the feast of the
apostles Peter and Paul (29 June O.S. = 12 July N.S.). The following day, they
would visit the shrine of Tamar-Ghele, named after Queen Tamar, situated in a
nearby river valley.
Our conversation took place on
the slope of Lasharis Gori, overlooking the main candle-altar and sacrifice
grounds of the Lasharis-Jvari complex. Some of the men are holding lumps of
beeswax with their knives over the fire, to soften it for making candles.
Pilipe Baghiauri points to the various spots on the hillside where the
communes used to gather on feastdays.
Each commune that came here sat
in its own area (sajare). Here is where
the Gogolaurebi dug out their area. The Gogolaurebi used to say that at the
shrine festival (xatoba), their
banner (dro sha) was the first to arrive at Lasharis-Jvari, and the
Gogolaurebi represented the largest portion (cili, i.e. were the most numerous). Gara Turmanauli was
one of ours, and they built him the dwelling closest to the xati.[31]
At gatherings each commune has its place, and each one knows where its place
is. They have dug out, levelled off their places, just for them. Everyone comes
to Lasharoba, and they gather there. Here in the middle was the beer-storage
cabin (salude). The Gogolaurebi
must have been the smartest, because they set up their place closest to the salude.
When the Turmanaulebi came,
history does not recall. No one remembers when the Gogolaurta came, that is,
they are the unjni, the aboriginal ones,
among us. The word unjni means
old.[32]
The unjni qmani (original
vassals of the xati) are to be distinguished from the qurum qmani. The qurum qmani are those who immigrated, who entered by oath. They
are called entered-by-oath qurum vassals
(shemopicult qurum qmani). These are secondary; those who are primary, they
are called unjni qmani. It is a
big difference.[33]
There was one xevisberi, but as
judge (mosamartle) there would be just
one from among the fifteen communes, who would be a xevisberi, who could decide
matters of justice. He was considered the elder. So that there would be no
mistakes in anything. For instance, Gara Turmanauli was a Gogolauri, he was a
xevisberi, he was the most intelligent, and here (at Lasharis-Jvari) he
officiated. Then there was a man from Axadi,[34]
and so on. The primary xevisberi, who performed, took care of matters, was
chosen by him [Lasharis-Jvari], the xati himself chose him. He was the
cleverest in the commune, the most worthy, the most honorable. Then the court
of justice (sasamartlo) took
place, when they expelled people from here. They call it expulsion (mokveta) when they exclude someone, be it a woman or a man.
Here the court of justice was held, it sat here, matters were settled. And here
was the meeting-hall (darbazi),
where they arrived at decisions, the council of the communes (temta
sab cho)
— we are finally going to rebuild the meeting-hall.
Come here, I will tell you
something. You know Lela Bucashvili. She had dedicated a five-year-old bull as
an offering (mozveri). The woman led it
here. Like it or not, she had seen a dream, her children came to her, [saying]:
You must sacrifice it, so she tells me. I saw you in the dream [she says],
it [the dream] came once, twice, three times. We came down, I brought Davit Gelashvili and some
others and we came here. They said, lets slaughter it down here [on the
riverbank], we wont be able to get this one up there [presumably the beast
seemed too heavy to walk up the narrow path to the summit of Lasharis Gori,
where the shrine is]. I told them, What do you mean we cant lead it up there,
that is the custom! [They said], then bring the candles and well light them
down here. This bull was resisting, we were 9 or 10 men, its bellowing, the
whole unfortunate business. We arrived there, I lit the candle, I put my hand
on it, I went in front, it came up here. When we got up here, [they said], we
wont be able to overturn it onto its side.[35]
We stood up and tied it up with a thick rope. As I touched the dagger to it, it
broke [the rope] and got away, the rope was frayed. I fell back, then I went
back to the bull. It followed me, then it knelt down, on its own, right here,
where the blood is to go down.[36] This is
where it must be sacrificed, for the offering of blood, the sacrifice is to be
killed by this spot. People witnessed it.
Bardavelidze, Vera. 1957. DrevnejshTbilisi:
Mecniereba.
Bardavelidze, Vera. 1974. Aghmosavlet
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Mindadze, Nunu. 1987. kadagobis sakitxisatvis aghmosavlet sakartvelos
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daiklas saklavi. - xalxi mowamea.
.
[1] The
expression xati (literally, icon) is
polysemous in highland Georgian usage, covering the senses of (1) a divine
image, (2) a shrine or sanctuary, and (3) the supernatural being in whose honor
the shrine has been constructed. The word jvari cross has a similar range of meanings, especially
in Khevsureti.
[2] In earlier
times, certain individuals, usually men, had the special vocation of
communicating messages from supernatural beings (Mindadze 1987). On such
occasions, they would go into a trance-like state and speak with the voice of
the xati. Most of these oracles were also xevisberis, but this was not always
the case. The last kadagebi died in the late 1980s, in Khevsureti.
[3] In Georgia,
as in other Orthodox Christian countries, banquets are held on the fortieth day
after death (ormoci), and on the
one-year anniversary (clistavi).
The former marks the departure of the soul from the earth to the afterlife, as
in the Biblical account of Jesus ascension to heaven forty days after his
resurrection, and the latter banquet ends the period of official mourning.
[4] The vocation
of a xevisberi characteristically begins with a struggle, rather than immediate
acceptance by the candidate. All Pshav and Khevsur priests that I have
interviewed, and those whose selections are described in the Georgian
ethnographic literature (e.g. Mindadze 1981), explicitly mention their
resistance to the initial call, their unwillingness to assume the heavy
responsibilities of the xevisberis office. Refusal of the vocation invariably
brings the anger of the xati upon the candidate, and often upon his family as
well. Some individuals fell gravely ill or suffered from mental disturbances,
others lost family members to death, which they interpreted as the penalty
imposed by the divinity for their obstinacy.
[5] Tianeti is a
district to the south and east of Pshavi, settled over the centuries by
numerous families of highland origin.
[6]
The new xevisberi must promise to offer nine sacrificed bulls (mozveri) to the shrine. Since few highland peasant families
can afford such an enormous expenditure of livestock at one time, the
sacrifices take place over several years. Upon assuming his duties, he is
anointed by the chief xevisberi with the blood of sacrifice. At Gogolaurta,
where we have seen this performed, the blood comes from a ram, which is held
off the ground while its throat is cut by the chief xevisberi. The blood is
collected in a glass which also contains some wine. The chief xevisberi dips
his finger in the blood-wine mixture, and makes cross-shaped marks on the new
xevisberis chest, hands and forehead.
[7] The
presentation (gaqvana) of boys at the
shrine is accompanied by the offering of a bull, or sometimes the two-stage
sacrifice of a ram, whose blood is used to anoint the bull, with whose blood in
turn the boy is anointed (with a sign of the cross on the forehead) by the
xevisberi. At Gogolaurta, the boys in addition are made to circumambulate a
special boys initiation tower (culis gasarevi ko shki) atop
Kmodis Gori. After the presentation, the boys are considered vassals (qmani) of their communes shrine. A separate ceremony is
held for the presentation of girls and in-marrying women, which does not
involve a blood sacrifice. See the descriptions of these rituals at one Pshav
commune in Tuite & Bukhrashvili 1999.
[8] Some time
before this, Baghiauri consecrated another man as treasurer (megandzure) of the Gogolaurta shrine complex. The treasurer is
responsible for the various cups, chalices, icons, crosses and other valuables
which have been offered to the xati over the centuries, most of which are
perpetually hidden in undisclosed locations to protect them from theft. To our
astonishment, Baghiauri said that he has no intention of telling the new
treasurer where these items are kept. The xati itself will tell him, in a
dream, where its possessions are, should it ever be necessary to bring them
out.
[9] In the
summer of 1999, during the Khevsur festival of Atengenoba, we witnessed the
proclamation of a new xucesi (the
Khevsur equivalent of xevisberi)
at the village Ukan-Xadu. The xucesi Petre Gogochuri, who serves at the
neighboring commune of Atabe, had dreamt that the son of the previous xucesi
at Ukan-Xadu was to succeed his father after a vacancy of many years. Lots
were drawn from a hat in order to verify the dream, and indeed, the candidates
lot (a slice of a twig marked with a notch) was picked. The shrines richly
adorned chalice was then produced, filled with beer, and — without any
opportunity to prepare himself — the new xucesi took it in his hands and
began to pronounce an invocation. After several lines he showed signs of
nervousness and began to hesitate. Gogochuri coached him through a few more
lines, but then he gave up, declaring himself unable to continue.
[10] As in the
case of resistance to the call to service, it is believed that the xati will
exact harsh penalties for errors in ritual performance, even if unintentional,
and that these penalties may fall on the family as well as the xevisberi
himself.
[11] This seems
to be an injunction against stealing objects from the shrine, which will incur
the wrath of the xati.
[12] The
conventional animal sacrifice to a Pshav or Khevsur xati is either a bull or a
sheep. Domestic poultry and pigs are regarded as impure, are never sacrificed,
and a xevisberi may not eat their meat. Goats, especially goat kids (cikani), are offered to supernatural beings of ambiguous
nature, those which are capable of causing harm unless propitiated or
neutralized. The class of spirits which receive goat sacrifices include the
evil angels described here, the prophet Elijah (because his lightning bolts
can cause death), and the various female auxiliaries of clan or commune
divinities. For more on the complementary relation between masculine divinities
and ambiguous, mostly non-masculine supernaturals, see Tuite 2004.
[13] See note 3
above.
[14] The figure
of a thrice-repeated counterclockwise circular movement is of particular
importance in highland Georgian religious symbolism, as it serves to mark major
life-stage transitions. Newly-initiated boys perform a triple counterclockwise
circumambulation of the pyramid-shaped initiation tower at Gogolaurta, led by
the xevisberi. During their initiation, girls and in-marrying women turn three
times in place while the xevisberi twirls a round kada bread over their heads, likewise three times in a
counterclockwise direction. In the traditional Pshav marriage ceremony, the
bride circled her hearth chain three times to take leave of her fathers clan,
then performed the same act upon arrival in her husbands home, to signal her
entry into the latters household. In the context of the ritual described here,
the triple circle made with the goats head apparently serves to liberate the
drowning victims soul from the demons holding it at the spot where death
occurred, so that it can complete its trajectory into the land of souls (suleti).
[15] The Old
Testament prophet Elijah, who called down lightning from heaven to destroy his
adversaries [2 Kings 1: 9-14], and who was taken to heaven in a chariot of fire
[2 Kings 2: 11-12], has taken on the attributes of a lightning and storm god in
the folk religions of many regions of Europe, inc;luding the North and South
Caucasus (Ivanov 1991; Tuite 2004).
[16] In
Baghiauris usage, the term angel (angelozi) is essentially synonymous with xvtisshshvili (child of God), an
expression used by many Pshavs and Khevsurs to denote the class of divinities
subordinate to God the Creator (dambadebeli). Some of the angels or children of God —
the various St. Giorgis and Archangels, and the divinized ogre-slaying heroes
Kopala and Iaxsar — have the attributes of feudal nobility, in a sense,
in that they rule over and protect the highland communes in exchange for
sacrifices and services rendered by the human vassals (qmani) who dwell in their fiefdom (Bardavelidze 1957:
24-29; Tuite 2002).
[17] Kvira or
Kviria is the divine intermediary between God and the other angels or
children of God. He is said to have his tent (karavi) pitched in the court of God (ɣvtis karshi). His name, ultimately derived from that of St.
Kyriakos, is homophonous with the standard Georgian word for Sunday and
week (kvira), whence the
just-so story crediting him with the institution of one day of rest each week.
[18] In another
variant of this ritual, known as the eating of oath-silver (pic-vercxlis chama), the
two men scrape a bit of metal from the blades of their daggers into the
drinking vessel.
[19] The
Cockolaurebi are the principal clan of the commune of Muko, which is
adjacent to Gogolaurta. Vaxtang Cockolauri, the xevisberi at Muko, is one
of the youngest priests now in service (he is under forty years of age, whereas
Pilipe and the others who we have met are in their sixties or seventies).
[20]
Traditionally, solemn oaths made before the shrine were marked by the planting
of large stones (samani) in the ground
in the shrine precincts. In standard Georgian, the word samani denotes
a boundary-marking stone.
[21] The
Georgian highlanders, like all indigenous peoples of the Caucasus — with
the exception of the Daghestanians — observe strict exogamy. Marriage
between individuals known to be related is prohibited, or can only be permitted
if the clan to which the young couple belongs officially divides into two new
lineages (in a ceremony known as gvaris gaqra splitting the clan), so that marriage becomes an exogamic one. On
Pshav-Khevsur exogamy and kinship reckoning, see Tuite 2000.
[22] The late
Ilo Pxoveli of Chinti was a well-known local poet. The family names of the
Georgian mountaineers were officially registered by the Tsarist administration
in the late 19th century. Some last names were based on clan or
lineage names, others on the individuals village of origin or profession. Not
uncommonly, brothers were registered with different last names.
[23] With the
passage of time, genealogical relation through male relatives is more easily
remembered than that through female ancestors, who, in these virilocal
societies, usually leave their natal village to live in that of their in-laws,
and whose children assume the clan identity of their fathers.
[24]
Ukana-Pshavi, situated along the upper reaches of the Pshavis Aragvi, is one
of the more remotely situated communes. In recent decades, many families from
less-accessible villages have moved downriver to be closer to the main roads.
[25] The next
day, Baghiauri told us that he takes a particular interest in the ancient
frontiers of the Pshav communes and the parcels of land that belonged to the
shrine, or that were considered off-limits to ordinary use. These traditional
divisions of the territory were of course not recognized during the Soviet
period.
[26] Four types
of offerings can be presented to the xati: (1) sacrificial animals (bulls and
sheep), (2) alcoholic beverages, (3) bread, and (4) beeswax candles, or more
precisely, bee products. As Baghiauri insists in this dialogue, it is the
material of which the candle is made that has significance, not the fact that
it burns and emits light. At Matura in 2001, we noted that the two xevisberis
in service there brought a bottle of water mixed with honey to the shrine. In
response to our questions they explained that honey is an acceptable substitute
for wine or vodka, because it is produced by bees, and therefore pure (supta).
[27] One common
sight at shrine festivals is the production of handmade candles to be offered
to the xati. Lumps of beeswax are held over a fire until soft. As one man
holds a taut string about three or four feet long, another spreads the softened
wax over the string, rubbing it between his two hands until it covers the
length of the string evenly. It is then cut into candles of about one span
length (mtkaveli), the distance from
the thumb to the tip of the little finger of a spread hand [see photo above at
left].
[28] These are
the two shrines at either end of the Matur-Xevi valley. The xati of the
Archangel is the principal shrine of the Matura commune, located outside of a
hamlet near the head of the valley. The powerful weather shrine of Damaste or
Damasturi [see photo] overlooks the confluence of the Matur-Xevi and Aragvi
rivers. It received offerings from all Pshav communes on the Sunday before
Lent, and in times of drought or excessive rain.
[29] Almost all
of the verbs used in the text of this invocation are in the pluperfect
conjunctive, a verb paradigm that is rarely used in modern Georgian except in
toasts, wishes and the like. Baghiauri forms the pluperfect conjunctive of
relative intransitive verbs by postposing the optative of the copula, a
non-standard usage characteristic of some Georgian dialects (gv-qol-iqos may we have him; h-qvar-eb-iqos may they love [each other]; cp. standard Georgian gv-qol-od-es, h-qvar-eb-od-es).
[30] The late Irakli Gogolauri of Magharos-kari was
highly-regarded author, especially of poems for children.
[31] Gara Turmanauli was a celebrated warrior, said to
have led the Pshavs to victory on numerous occasions. After his death, according to
legend, the Pshavs exhumed Garas body, removed his shoulderblade and attached
it to the banner of Lashari, in order to assure continued success in battle
(Kiknadze 1996: 182).
[32] In medieval
Georgian unji means treasure, as in
the derived form sa-unj-e
treasure trove.
[33]
Bardavelidze (1957: 35) deemed the unjni qmani tantamount to an incipient aristocracy, as they were the group from
which most community leaders were drawn.
[34] The commune
of Axadi, now uninhabited, was located further upstream along the opposite bank
of the Aragvi
[35] Before the
bulls throat is cut, it is forced to lay on its side. This is usually done by
running a rope around its front, then hind legs, and then pulling until the
beast keels over.
[36] Animals
sacrificed at Lasharis-Jvari are slaughtered next to a shallow rectangular pit,
into which their blood is made to flow.